At President Trump’s direction, Congress is considering proposals to exempt tips from taxable income. After Trump floated this gimmick on the campaign trail, Republican and Democratic elected officials alike have embraced the idea. The House Republican budget bill (H.R. 1) includes a “no tax on tips” provision that gives the illusion of helping lower-income workers—while the rest of the legislation hands huge giveaways to the rich at the expense of the working class. The Senate recently passed a standalone version of no tax on tips that similarly provides the false impression of aiding workers while giving employers excuses to incentivize tipped work and keep base wages low.
If the Trump administration and its allies in Congress genuinely wanted to help tipped and lower-paid workers, there are far better options they could pursue, like raising the federal minimum wage. To illustrate this, we compare the estimated impact of no tax on tips with the Raise the Wage Act of 2025, a bill that would raise the federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $17 an hour by 2030 and gradually phase out the tipped minimum wage. Here is an overview of how the two plans compare.
How many workers would be affected? How long would benefits last?
No tax on tips: Between 2.5 and 5.2 million tipped workers would receive an income tax deduction over the next four years, but benefits would end after 2028.
The Raise the Wage Act: Nearly 23 million workers, including 2.8 million tipped workers, would earn higher wages with no end date—meaning affected workers would continue to benefit indefinitely.
How much would these workers benefit annually? How would benefits differ based on income?
No tax on tips: Eligible tipped workers would receive an average annual tax cut of $1,700 for the four years it would be in effect. However, the benefits would heavily skew toward higher-income tipped workers. Among all tipped workers, the top 20% would receive an average tax cut of $5,768 while those in the bottom 20% would only get $74 on average. The average for the bottom quintile is small in large part because two-thirds of those workers have incomes so low that they do not pay federal income taxes and thus will not see any tax benefit.
The Raise the Wage Act: Affected workers who work year-round would receive an average wage increase of $3,200 per year. After taxes, the net pay increase would be marginally smaller but still significantly larger than what a worker would receive on average with a tax deduction on tips. In stark contrast to “no tax on tips,” which excludes workers with the lowest incomes, the largest benefits of the Raise the Wage Act would go to the lowest-paid workers.
Who pays for these benefits?
No tax on tips: The public writ large would pay. House Republican lawmakers are already proposing massive cuts to social programs, such as Medicaid and food stamps that benefit millions of people (including tipped workers), to offset foregone revenue from no tax on tips and large tax cuts for the rich. The Republican plan would also dramatically increase the federal debt, which could substantially raise borrowing costs for households and businesses in the future.
The Raise the Wage Act: Employers of low-wage workers would pay for these wage increases, absorbing the higher labor costs over time through a variety of channels. Importantly, the Raise the Wage Act not only increases the federal minimum wage but also phases out the tipped minimum wage, a system that has provided employers of tipped workers an enormous—and highly problematic—public subsidy for decades.
While no tax on tips would benefit only the small share of workers who receive tips as a portion of their compensation, the Raise the Wage Act would benefit all low-wage workers in the U.S., including 4.2 million people with incomes below the poverty line. Over the next 10 years, the Raise the Wage Act would have a total benefit to affected workers of $700 billion, compared with about $39 billion from “no tax on tips” in the House bill (see Figure A).
A higher minimum wage would benefit workers far more than ‘no tax on tips’: 10-year increase in income for affected workers
| 10-year increase | |
|---|---|
| No tax on tips | $39,143,000,000 |
| Raise the Wage Act | $700,000,000,000 |
Note: Since the no tax on tips provision is slated to end after 2028, the total benefit of the measure is for four years, not 10. The total benefit of the Raise the Wage Act is $70 billion times 10 years.
As we at EPI and others have noted, no tax on tips is problematic for a variety of other reasons, aside from its paltry and poorly targeted benefits. The measure that passed in the House caps eligibility to workers in certain tipped occupations earning less than $160,000 in annual income. This will mitigate tax avoidance by the highest earners, but it does not fix other problems, including the fact that ending taxation of tips would likely expand employer use of tipped work—a system already rife with discrimination and worker abuse. No tax on tips would also undercut efforts to raise worker compensation while depleting tax revenue for public services. By subsidizing the use of tipping in the federal tax code, no tax on tips would further cement a system that lets employers off the hook from paying their workers a fair wage—in this case, forcing taxpayers to foot the bill. In contrast, the Raise the Wage Act gives workers a durable wage increase paid for by those who should be paying—their employers.
Beyond raising the minimum wage, there are several other effective and more equitable policies to support working families—including expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit, providing workers with paid sick leave and paid family and medical leave, and supporting workers’ rights to form and join unions. But Trump and congressional Republicans, while claiming to support workers, have not pursued these policies. Instead, they have relentlessly attacked workers, and pushed an enormous tax cut for the wealthy—paid for by cutting essential social programs for low-income people and children and adding trillions to the public debt. As many as 16 million people would lose their health insurance under the House budget bill.
The Raise the Wage Act is by no means an outlier or a radical exercise in messaging—it’s cosponsored by majorities of House and Senate Democrats. If even a few Republicans were willing to support it, it could easily have the votes to pass. No tax on tips, on the other hand, remains a deceptive ploy that would provide few benefits to workers and fail to offset the harm the Republican budget bill would impose on millions of workers and families.
According to Yale Budget Lab’s estimates, about 6.3 million tax units claim tipped income, though only about 4 million workers work in tipped occupations. Since 37% of workers in tipped occupations earn so little that they do not pay federal income taxes and thus would not benefit from the plan, the lower bound of this estimate is 2,520,000 (0.63 times 4 million). The upper bound takes the average share of tax units with a tax cut by quintile (Yale Budget Lab Figure 5) and multiplies it by the total number of tax units with tipped income (83.3% of 6.3 million is 5.2 million).
See Yale Budget Lab “No Tax on Tips”: Budgetary, Distributional, and Tax Avoidance Considerations, Figures 5 and 6. 1st quintile is 0.336*220=$74. 5th quintile is 0.991*5820=$5,768.
For example, the marginal federal income tax rate on all taxable income between $11,600 and $47,150 is 12%. For the average tipped worker, assuming they use the standard deduction and have no other sources of income, their total taxable income likely falls in this range. Thus, a $3,200 increase in wages—without accounting for any tax credits— would net a roughly $2,800 increase in annual post-tax income, $1,100 more than the average net income increase under no tax on tips.
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